This photo was published as stand-alone warm weather art in the March 19, 1934, Los Angeles Times. Under the headline “If This is Spring, Come on Summer,” the original caption reported:

Harbingers of spring, now just two days away, swarmed over the Southland beaches yesterday in the form of adorning bathing beauties. Here is a group of them from the Girls’ Dare Club on the strand at Venice. When they bowl they simply knock ’em over and when they swim the waves grow even wilder.

The same Times edition reported the high temperature for March 18, 1934, was 73 degrees.

An earlier Oct. 15, 1931, Times article reported that Venice Girls’ Dare Club was newly organized and “made up mostly of aquatic stars from the Venice High School.”

This photo was used in the 1998 Times postcard book “Times Gone By.”

This post was originally published on July 24, 2012.

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Since her breakthrough debut in 1979’s “Kramer vs. Kramer,” Meryl Streep has made one thing patently clear: She is a force to be reckoned with.

Now, in honor of the actress’ 68th birthday, we’ve compiled a brief roundup of the sharpest, pithiest one-liners she has told the Los Angeles Times over the years, complete with staff photos from our archives.

If there has been any common thread, it’s that Streep has been advocating for women’s rights, at almost every opportunity, for more than 30 years.

Streep on equal pay:

“We all know what the problem is. There’s very little work for women. And when we do work, we get paid much less than our male counterparts.” (1990)

On “Pretty Woman” and other films of the era:

“[From them, one might assume that] the chief occupation of women on Earth was hooking. And I don’t mean rugs.” (1990)

On women behind the scenes, and why they don’t push for better representation:

“I guess because those women want to make it past the glass ceiling, maybe they think they have to say, ‘Do “Die Hard II.” Now let me be vice president.'” (1990)

On her impressive repertoire of linguistic imitations:

“I don’t go looking for parts with accents. But I’m drawn to what hits me in the solar plexus. I need to engage on that level, to do roles that have something to say.” (1988)

And on her lack of comedic endeavors, pre-1989: 

“I’m a sucker for the powerful story. I could do the easy thing and not have to go and kill myself each time. I don’t know why I do, but it’s the way I am.” (1988)

On Sister Aloysius (her character in “Doubt”):

“Nuns are easy comedy, so we have made fun of them from Monty Python to Chris Durang, but I think there’s something that’s confounding to the outside world about women who reject all the things that most women build their entire lives around, which is getting a man, getting a husband and the children and looking good.” (2009)

On U.K. backlash to “The Iron Lady,” and why people don’t want to see Margaret Thatcher’s flaws:

“[Winston] Churchill could cry once a week, but you can’t accept tears from a female president or prime minister because it would be seen as a sign of weakness. It’s just a different set of standards.” (2011)

On society’s conflicted feelings about powerful women, and why they’re vilified on screen:

“There’s a reason it was called ‘The Devil Wears Prada.’ That’s why it was made. If it was ‘The Angel at the Head of Vogue Magazine,’ no one would go.” (2008)

And here’s how Streep has compartmentalized negative criticism, since at least 1989:

“It’s out there in the air, like smog. You don’t feel smog going into your lungs. If the day’s beautiful, you don’t notice.”



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On June 23, 1967, President Lyndon Johnson arrived at Century City to deliver a speech at a Democratic Party fundraiser. Ten thousand anti-Vietnam War protesters also arrived.

In a June 23, 1997, Los Angeles Times article, staff writer Kenneth Reich reported:

The war at home over Vietnam had yet to explode in mid-1967. Five hundred American soldiers were dying every month, yet 40% of Americans still supported sending more men.

So 30 years ago tonight, when a coalition of 80 antiwar groups staged a march to the Century Plaza Hotel where President Lyndon B. Johnson was being honored, Los Angeles Police Department field commander John A. McAllister expected 1,000 or 2,000 protesters.

“When the mass of humanity came up Avenue of the Stars and over the hill, I was astounded,” he recalled. “Where did all those people come from? I asked myself.

Ten thousand marchers, by most estimates, were assembling across the street from the Century City hotel. Hundreds of nightstick-wielding police — using a parade permit and court order that restricted the marchers from stopping to demonstrate — forcibly dispersed them.

The bloody, panicked clash that ensued left an indelible mark on politics, protests and police relations. It marked a turning point for Los Angeles, a city not known for drawing demonstrators to marches in sizable numbers.

The significance of the evening lay not simply in the 51 people who were arrested and the scores injured when 500 of the 1,300 police on the scene pushed the demonstrators into, and then beyond, a vacant lot that is now the site of the ABC Entertainment Center.

Far more powerfully, the Century Plaza confrontation foreshadowed the explosive growth of the national antiwar movement and its inevitable confrontations with police. It shaped the movement’s rising militancy, particularly among the sizable number of middle-class protesters who expected to do nothing more than chant against Johnson outside the $1,000-a-plate Democratic Party fundraising dinner and were outraged by the LAPD’s hard-line tactics.

Johnson rarely campaigned in public again, except for appearances at safe places like military bases. Within nine months, opposition to the war grew so strong that he shelved his reelection campaign. White liberals in Los Angeles, meanwhile, began to complain about excessive force by the LAPD, a subject traditionally raised only by black and Latino residents.

By the next summer, when Chicago police beat demonstrators in the street outside the 1968 Democratic National Convention, the country was at war with itself. In retrospect, the Century Plaza demonstration was one of the earliest battlegrounds. …

The original idea was to stage a march from Rancho Park, up Pico Boulevard and past the hotel on Avenue of the Stars, then turn onto Santa Monica Boulevard and go home. But as the marchers reached the hotel, a vanguard of radicals ignored the terms of the police permit and sat down in the street.

The march halted. Police said they issued a dispersal order several times on a powerful loudspeaker, but many demonstrators said that in all the noise and chants they failed to hear it.

Then hundreds of officers moved in, their nightsticks held in front of them, pushing the demonstrators away. Some of the people fought back. Some photographs show police swinging their nightsticks at marchers who were not resisting. A particularly bitter clash took place under the Olympic Boulevard bridge. …

Here’s a link to Reich’s full story: The Bloody March that Shook L.A.

See more from the Los Angeles Times archives here



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Crime was one of the issues, and while canvassing a neighborhood, Fonda found this woman unwilling to open all of her door.

In a May 3, 1982, story, Times staff writer Robert W. Stewart reported:

Fonda’s name and face are recognized almost everywhere. Her personal and professional ties permeate the multibillion-dollar entertainment industry. And she is one of the most successful political fund-raisers working today.

“It is our feeling that Jane is a tremendous asset,” said Michael L. Dieden, Hayden’s bespectacled curly-haired campaign manager. The Hayden campaign has not hesitated to put that asset to work.

For the last month, Fonda has promoted Hayden’s candidacy by walking from door to door, five or six days a week, two or three hours a day, in neighborhoods in the eastern end of the district, which stretches from West Los Angeles to Santa Monica and northwest to Malibu. …

Times photographer Bob Chamberlin followed Jane Fonda canvassing door-to-door for over an hour. He used an Nikon F2 with 180mm lens to shoot this image. On May 3, 1982, this photo, along with three others, accompanied Stewart’s piece on Fonda’s successful fundraising efforts for Hayden, who won the 1982 election. Hayden served 10 years in the California State Assembly, followed by eight years in the state Senate.

This post was originally published on Oct. 19, 2010.

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After two seasons and low ratings, “Star Trek” was facing cancellation by NBC. Fans led a national campaign, including this Caltech protest, to save it.

In the Jan. 8, 1968, Los Angeles Times, staff writer Jerry Ruhlow reported:

Students at Caltech have found little time for demonstrations, protests and draft card burnings rampant on many of the nation’s campuses.

But Saturday night, a throng of more than 200 chanting, banner-waving Caltech scholars conducted a torchlight procession through the streets of Burbank to carry a protest to the steps of the National Broadcasting Company.

In what some observers suggest may be the emergence of the college’s social conscience, the enraged students voiced opposition to rumored canceling of NBC’s science fiction series Star Trek.

“It Is Totally Illogical to Cancel Star Trek,” read the sign of one bespectacled protester…

The campaign to save “Star Trek” worked. NBC picked up the series for the 1968-69 season, but aired it at 10 p.m. Fridays — the so-called ratings “death slot.”

After “Star Trek’s” third season, NBC canceled the show. But with 79 episodes, the series went into syndication – followed by five spin-off series and 11 movies.

This photo, by former Los Angeles Times staff photographer Harry Chase, was not published with the story that is excerpted above.

The protest occurred on a Saturday night, missing the early Sunday edition deadlines. The story was published in the Monday edition of The Los Angeles Times.

This post was originally published on April 25, 2011.

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The highlight of the National Air Circus is stunt pilot Cliff Winters’ flight into a mock building, destroying the structure and his Fairchild PT-19 aircraft, then walking away from the wreckage.

Under the headline “Air Circus Pilot Rams Into Building'” this photo ran with a short story in the Los Angeles Times that began:

About 20,000 persons watched stunt pilot Cliff Winters purposely crash a Fairchild PT-19 airplane through a building Sunday during the National Air Circus at the Riverside Grand Prix Racetrack.

Winters climbed out of the wreckage unhurt. He used the same type of plane in the “clobber” stunt Saturday. Both planes were wrecked, but Winters will salvage parts for future crash flights…

Winters, 33, died four months later after a crash during the National Air Show at Chino airport.

This post was originally published on Jan. 14, 2011.

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While driving through Hollywood, staff photographer Boris Yaro spotted the truck carrying the Bob Hope bust westbound on Hollywood Blvd.

“I think this photo was made from my car,” Yaro later said. “Then I got caught up in traffic and never got closer to the truck.”

Yaro believes the image was taken with a 80-200mm zoom lens on a Nikon F2.

After retouching, the bust was transported to Palm Springs for Bob Hope’s annual golf tournament.

To emphasize the Bob Hope bust, I cropped the image above from the vertical, reproduced below.

This post was originally published on Oct. 21, 2010.

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In a March 24, 1980, Los Angeles Times story, staff writer Pamela Moreland reported that the $2-billion window display industry was divided into two schools: “the conservative-traditional and the radical shock.”

To illustrate each, staff photographer Bob Chamberlin made images at Saks Fifth Avenue in Beverly Hills and at Maxfield Bleu. The accompanying caption in the March 24, 1980, Los Angeles Times reported:

IN THE WINDOW — The window displays at Saks Fifth Avenue in Beverly Hills feature the latest in high fashion and represent the traditional and generally conservative viewpoint of the nation’s window design industry. Meanwhile …

AGH! Rock slides in Malibu? Bionic kids playing with boulders? Maxfield Bleu’s startling ambiguous window designs leave the meaning to the imagination of the viewer.

In her story, Moreland added:

At Saks Fifth Avenue in Beverly Hills, the average monthly budget for the store’s 15 windows is $700. At Maxfield Bleu, the weekly budget is a modest $50 for both windows.

While both Saks and Maxfield put a lot of effort into their windows, they don’t rely on them solely to attract customers. Both advertise heavily (Saks is expanding into television commercials) and play on their store’s reputation — Saks for sophistication and Maxfield for funky and trendy styles.



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Los Angeles residents actively participated in World War II air-raid drills. But a 1952 Cold War air-raid drill had different results.

A page one story in the Oct. 3, 1952, Los Angeles Times reported that: “Failure of air raid sirens and general public apathy would have cost Los Angeles city and county 500,000 lives yesterday if enemy atom bombers actually had been overhead at 9:30 a.m.

“Partly because of the faint warning, partly because of lethargy and disinterest, an estimated 50% of the city and county millions failed to co-operate in the first full-scale public participation raid drill since World War II.”

The Times story reported that much of the city ignored the sirens and continued with their daily hustle and bustle. But as seen in the image above, pedestrians huddled in doorways on Broadway just south of 7th Street after Police Officer S.W. Stevenson announced the drill over a bullhorn.

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In a close election, Brown defeated Republican Houston Flournoy by about 175,000 votes out of 6 million cast. In the Nov. 6, 1974, Los Angeles Times, political writer Richard Bergholz reported:

California’s governor-elect, 36-year-old Edmund G. Brown Jr., plunged into the business of governing today only hours after he won a squeaky-close victory over Republican Houston I. Flournoy.…

Brown served notice he would take a hard line on spending proposals. “People want a new spirit,’” he told newsmen,“but they don’t want to pay more taxes to achieve it.”

And he cited the defeat of Proposition A locally, the proposal to raise the sales tax 1 cent to pay for rapid transit, as an indication that “people are not in the mood for big spending programs.”…

This image above by staff photographer Rick Meyer, ran on Page 1 but was cropped into a two-column vertical.

On Nov. 4, 2014, Brown was reelected to a fourth term as governor. On Nov. 5, he met with the news media, below.



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